Between November 2072 and October 2074, the Colombia War opposed the two major powers in Latin America, Aztlan and Amazonia. Officially, the declaration of war followed the arrest of Amazonian spies inside an Aztechnology facility in Bogotá. Before this mere excuse, tensions have existed in the area ever since 2049. It is nonetheless difficult to establish what were the real causes that led to an open armed conflict.

In 2048, Panama joined the Aztlan federation, giving it a border with Colombia. The mobilization of Aztlaner and Amazonian troops near their respective borders was followed by the invasion of Colombia and Venezuela in 2050. Only sporadic fightings actually took place around what became the line of demarcation, along the East Andes. Amazonian forces started occupying Venezuelan territory, save Caracas. Meanwhile, a provisional Colombian government established in Medellin requested to join the Aztlan federation. Amazonia responded by annexing what became the Amazonian state of Colombia, with San Juan de Pasto as its capital. Bogotá, located near the line of demarcation, has been claimed by both sides since. This situation would persist for two decades, causing frequents incidents.

> The area has been a thorn in the side of Aztlan and Aztechnology, forcing them to maintain a large military presence. The Amazonians understood it well and always seeked to destabilize Colombia. By scaling up operations, the Aztlaners could hope to pacify the area for good.
> Prof

> On the Amazonian side, things are less clear, because dragons like Hualpa or Sirrurg never discuss their strategy publicly. It's kinda hard to make a geostrategic analysis with a single communique the ministry of foreign affairs' advisor on environmental issues released ten years ago to criticize Aztechnology responsabilities regarding plant biodiversity around Bogotá.
> Doc-doc

The quite relative stability of the region was put in jeopardy in 2071, with the sudden rise of a new drug, tempo. A trafic fully controlled by the Olaya cartel, tempo spread worldwide and made colossal profits within a few months. This money allowed the cartel to strengthen its position, to corrupt more administrative and corporate workers, and acquire large amounts of weapons.

For the Aztlaner government, the cartels represent a major interior threat, whose extent goes for beyond the sole localities of Olaya, Andes and Morales they hailed from. There is an obvious risk to let one of these cartel, and the colombian nationalist movements it supports, to grow and establish new strongholds.

> Not mentionning the market share lost by the David cartel, Aztlan and Aztechnology "official" crime syndicate.
> Glaive

The region is also of strategic importance for Pemex, a subsidiary of Aztechnology group, who operate Maracaibo Lake oil fields.

> Maracaibo oilfields aren't the only ones at stake. On the other side of the demarcation line lie the Orinoco bassin reserves. If you add the Atlantic Ocean off-shore reserves, the Amazonians, who stopped oil extraction in the 2030ies in Brazil and the 2040ies in Venezuela, now sit on the world largest oil reserves.
> Doc-doc

> The autopilot of my electric/ethanol hybrid car says he finds your analysis to be soooo 20th century.
> Deena

> What do you believe fighter-bomber and heavy lifter aircrafts fly on? Maple syrup?
> Trouble

Initially, the response was to bolster security forces and increase the number of patrols in urban areas and along known trafic routes. In Bogotá, Aztechnology started in May 2071 to build several portions of a security barrier to facilitate traffic control inside the sprawl. However, the project quickly stalled because of the lack of allocated resources and several sabotages. Meanwhile, operations carried out near the Amazonian border, especially drone flights intended to track smugglers, caused official protests from the Amazonian government in Manaus.

On the diplomatic ground, the Aztlaner government and the Aztechnology corporation tried to get the international community to engage in a global action against South American cartels. While those discussions protracted, measures were taken to act more immediately. In September 2071, a secret meeting of the major cartels in Los Angeles, at the request of the Olaya cartel, was the target of an armed commando. Manuel Tamayo, the head of the Andes cartel, was among the casualties. The professionalism with which the attack was carried out led to believe intelligence services or special forces were involved, rather than a mere gang rivalry. A few days later, it was Rita Tuero, a cousin of Olaya cartel leader Jaime Salazar, who was asssassinated in Caracas by another commando.

Aztechnology finally launched a large-scale operation to strike the cartels in November 2071. At sunset, a special operations team assaulted an hacienda fifteen kilometers outside of Bogotá, where was located the head of the Olaya cartel, Jaime Salazar, along with several close relatives. Operation "Anti-Venom" was a failure, but it was only the first shot.

In the following hours, airstrikes were targeted at the Olaya and Andes cartels main facilities in and near Bogotá and Caracas. During the night, aircrafts landed on El Dorado and La Guaira airports, carrying Aztechnology Corporativa Seguridad (ACS) reinforcements.

Accompanied by Interpol agents, the ACS raided several locations in dense urban areas where airstrikes were not feasible. They carried out hundreds of arrests and seizures in the three weeks that followed the beginning of the operation, but failed at locating the cartels leaders who escaped.

Those operations were officially carried out to stop the production and trafficking of tempo. In fact, the fields and laboratories destroyed by the ACS around Bogotá were only producing cocaine and designer drugs. However, the tempo ring was busted with the destruction in Caracas of the laboratories where tempo was purified and transformed into powder or resin, and the arrest of several key persons involved in the smuggling operations.

> In addition to Interpol, Knight Errant agents were also involved in the ACS operations. Ares wanted to show it was willing to contribute to the international effort to stop tempo trade that hurt North American cities, while Lone Star rejected any sort of cooperation with Aztechnology.
> Urbi

> It's important to understand the ties that formed over the last decade. Ares and Aztechnology took a large part in the anti-terrorist campaign waged against Winternight in 2064 and, unlike the Japanese and Saeder-Krupp at the time, agreed to coordinate field ops. Ever since, they always maintained a level of contact, and by now there are a number of executives who have learned to work with which other.
> Cible

The Amazonian government renewed its protests against the operations led in Bogotá and Caracas "under the guise" of Aztechnology corporation, and asked for the creation of a demilitarized zone. Officially, Aztechnology still labelled its actions as exclusively targeted against the cartels and their backings. However, all the facilities the cartels were known to operate were quickly raided, and their members still at large kept on eluding ACS units. Jaime Salazar, Enrique Uribe and Graciela Riveiros, the main leaders of the Olaya cartels, were on the run. But the cartel still operated under the leadership of Antonio Cordoba.

> Cordoba did not command alone. Salazar tasked Mario Gomez to maintain the cartel's external relations, while Rodolfo Cardoso commands military operations.
> Trouble

> The importance taken by Cordoba is a testimony of the damages Aztechnology inflicted on the cartel. I would never have placed a bet on him to get anywhere near the top spot five years ago. And Cardoso was a literal nobody just six months ago.
> Glaive

> Cordoba worked with the Amazonian services at some point, but it didn't last. He was acting as some sort of middleman for Manaus non-official diplomatic channels. Came out that he was spending a lot of government money on champagne, drugs and prostitutes while on mission for them.
> Karma

> That's probably why only Gomez is allowed to deal with the Amazonians on the cartel's behalf. I thought Salazar would pick him to lead all the cartel operations, but Cordoba really played a key role in the cartel defense during the first few weeks of Aztechnology offensive.
> Glaive

Within the Andes cartels, the survivors rallied Maria Theresa Tamayo, a cousin of Manuel Tamayo. As the senator of the Amazonian state of Colombia in Manaus senate, and because of a lack of evidence to link her directly to cartel activities, she is out of reach for Aztechnology. However, the cartel she took control off was then weakened. In addition to the losses caused by ACS raids, internal feuds that preceded her takeover involved the death of several leaders. And unlike the Olaya cartel, who retained an access to the Kondorchid group financial channels, the Andes cartel also suffered more from the measures the Corporate Court requested banks and financial corporations to take against the cartels' laundering operations.

> Maria Theresa Tamayo doesn't belong to the ruling party, but she counts among the senators the government needs the vote on crucial issues.
> I.media

> The rumormill says Tamayo regularly meets DIS agents and Hualpa envoys, so as to maintain a friendly relationship.
> Cible

In Caracas, the situation was stabilized after several weeks of violence. Intelligence gathered by Interpol showed the production and export of tempo had been stopped. Considering their mission had been accomplished, a first group of Interpol agents left Caracas and Bogotá in January.

Shortly after their departure, the ACS launcheed its largest operations since November. The Colombian nationalist groups active in Bogotá area became the ACS main target. Prior to those events, the Colombian liberation movement depended mostly on the cartels' money and weapons. In Bogotá, several buildings suspected of hosting nationalist activists are bombed. A guided bomb hit the national capitol while the city council was in session, killing at least 400. Aztechnology officially apologized, blaming frequency jamming from a terrorist cache nearby.

None of those acts prevented the multiplication of demonstrations hostile toward Aztechnology operations. This opposition would gather around three cores. Among the Colombian liberation movement nationalists and some catholics, Bogotá Libre! played such role. Carla Prieto, the widow of the group's former leader, Andres Prieto, was holding a harline position, systematically claiming responsability for the actions of its paramilitary wing, including several ones against schools attended by Aztechnology employees' children.

> Aztechnology is the prime suspect for Andres Prieto assassination, but some doubts remain. The theory of an internal feud involving is wife is credible enough.
> Trouble

> Prieto stayed in Rio de Janeiro for a while, where, while he was born Colombian, he was a member of the Verdadeiros Brasileiros, the "True Brazilians," a radical group advocating the destruction of Aztlan and its "South American vassal states" by Amazonia. They're indeed in touch with the DIS, but they main funding is said to come from the New Jesuits. I think Prieto maintained some links after joigning Bogotá Libre, and someone discovered and didn't like it.
> Urbi

The archbishop of Bogotá, Diego Rodriguez, disagred with this strategy, without opposing it publicly. The Catholic Church stayed in the background, focusing on protecting its followers and members.
Priests, deacons and bishops ordained by the Holy See are still actively hunted by Aztlan authorities, who have been repressing them since 2041. Archbishop Rodriguez was number three on Atlan most wanted list, right behind Sirrurg and Carla Prieto. Jesuits from the New Society of Jesus, who are in charge of Catholic ministers and churches in the lands where the Catholic faith is persecuted, have been receiving reinforcements from the New Order of the Temple, the Catholic Church military order.
In Caracas, the Catholic Church benefits from an eminent position. Catholics who fleed Aztlan and Amazonia made Caracas archdiocese the most populated on Earth, with 13 millions faithfuls. The archbishop of Caracas, cardinal Eduardo Ortega-Nunez, always has very actively supported Aztlan catholics, as he previously was archbishop of Managua in Nicaragua, before leaving the country in 2046 after its annexation by Aztlan. He is seconded by Augusto Cejas, bishop of La Guaira, who is known to be connected with conservative political parties in Caracas parliament, but also with the Andes cartel.

> He is also close to the Bourbon family in France. The Bourbons, and the Banco Occidental de Caracas, which belongs to them, are the archdiocese's main benefactors. The bank actually made hefty donations right after the Corporate Court enacted sanctions against the cartels' money laundering operations.
> Echec

> Ortega-Nunez had his share of critics. Many accused him of cowardice when he fleed Aztlan, instead of staying with the underground clergy. Bishop Rodriguez is said to be one of those.
> Urbi

The last major opposition group was the Muisca tribe. Numbering about 20,000 members in Bogotá and the surrounding area, the tribe organized demonstrations during which their warriors displayed heavy weaponry. The Muisca fighters were joined by a growing number of foreign volunteers. Most were eco-activists or anarchists from Europe or North America. They went through Greenway training camps in Amazonia, where they were taught combat, demolition, guerilla warfare and covert action. The existence of those camps had been for years a source of diplomatic tensions between Amazonia and many other countries. After the first foreign fighters were identified in Bogotá, Aztlan renewed critics and accused Amazonia of being responsible for security issues and supporting terrorism.

But the aztlaners did know that Amazonian fighters were in Bogotá as well, first and foremost members of Primeira Vaga ("First Wave" in Portuguese), a paramilitary organization created by Amazonian volunteers who previously fought in the Yucatan war between 2060 and the 2064 peace accords.

> Those volunteers were recruited, trained, equipped and transported by the DIS, most actually being in the military the moment before and having resigned on file only. But the DIS no longer control Primeira Vaga, even though they keep in touch with some agents.
> Cible

> It appeared Primeira Vaga was in touch with the Olaya cartel in Caracas, but the links were severed after Aztechnology intervention in November 2071.
> Glaive

> With combat experience, knowledge of the aztlaner military, and plain fanatism, Primeira Vaga members are considered as the main threat by the aztlaner troops. The presence of several toxic magicians within their ranks make them even more dangerous. It seems their mind did not return from Yucatan unscathed.
> Trouble

> Meanwhile, as time passed, Greenwar volunteers has been sent to the frontline with less and less training. The usual networks moved them through the Amazonia borders from Caracas or French Guiana to evade counter-terrorism agencies watch over flights to Amazonia. Lately the volunteers have been only attending like a few day of training in a classroom hidden in Caracas or Cayenne, where they learn little more than cocking a gun, before moving into Bogotá.
> Urbi

> Greenwar has a wide network of contacts. Many ecological organizations have members who went through Amazonian training camps, even though they gave up armed violence. I know there are a number of not-so-respectable politicians from green parties who keep an Amazonian SIN and a weapon in a drawer "just in case."
> Echec

Although the Amazonian government had no official presence in Bogotá, it funded several relief organizations who are active in the area. They distributed food and clean water, ran health clinics and communication networks in the poorest neighbourhoods. The ACS and the Aztlan intelligence services, along with the nationalist movements, suspected most, if not all local, Colombian staff, and even more the Amazonian advisors and engineers who supervised them to work for the Amazonian Departamento de Inteligência e Segurança.

A key component of the Amazonian state apparatus, the DIS is in charge of intelligence and clandestine operations. Although it formally belongs to the president's office, it actually directly and only answers to the Supreme Leader of the Revolution, Great Dragon Hualpa.

> As Supreme Leader, Hualpa can block any decision from the government, or remove its members. Hualpa is leading a nation of 250 millions. Even Saeder-Krupp doesn't have so many employees.
> Urbi

Several attacks, carried out with either political or criminal motives, led these relief organizations to hire private military companies to protect them. In several occasions, ACS units and those contractors would clash at checkpoint. The amount paid to MET2000 corporation has not been disclosed, but the very large number of security guards who were seen in Bogotá suggested the Amazonian government widely paid for it.

> Clearly, the fact that some NGO people belonged to the DIS, like Daniel Suero or Dr. Eduardo Vega, became obvious when they started to systemetically move around with an armed escort.
> Trouble

> European mercenaries have also been spotted training Muisca warriors and Greenwar volunteers. Based on their nationalities, mostly German and Czech, that looked like the MET.
> Echec

> MET2000 presence on the Amazonian side was only possible with a least tacit agreement from the German state (and thus S-K) and Ares Macrotechnology, who both are shareholders.
> Cible

> Resorting to mercenaries is always the signal of skill loss. In the case of the Amazonian armed forces, a lot of the military advisors who were in Yucatan didn't return and you now found them in paramilitary organizations like Primeira Vaga.
> Prof

The situation remained unstable during the entire year 2072. Aztechnology tried to complete the security wall, hoping it would facilitate ACS actions, to no avail.

On November 13, 2072, the ACS arrested several intruders with explosives inside an Aztechnology research laboratory in Bogotá. The Aztlan government announced in the following hours the national army would intervene to put an end to terrorists and weapons shipments moving from Amazonia into its territory. Reinforcements were immediately sent inside and around Bogotá. The operation first phase would be carried out jointly by the Aztlan army and ACS units. The corporation also provided logistical supplies, intelligence, communication networks, and media coverage.

> After taking over Esprit Industries four months before the war started, Aztechnology and Dassault ordered an extra effort to deliver equipment in the area, which proves everything had been decided well in advance. The initial plan involved reinforcements from Force Esprit, but the French government blocked the move by calling on the contractual arrangements that bind them to the French armed forces for support.
> Echec

> I rather believe Dassault management wanted to rip off a benefit from the war fast. Weaponry sells better when its had been battle-tested in a real war. Esprit project teams were pressured to deliver new or upgraded products and get them out of the assembly chain as fast as possible, renaming them with aztec names to please the shareholder.
> Cible

In Bogotá, violent fights pit them against militias now well entrenched in several neighbourhoods. Meanwhile, airborne troops attacked Villavicencio, Sabalanarga, Aguazul and Yopal, supported by special forces acting as forward air controllers.

The Amazonian armed forces were prepared for the Aztlan offensive. At the strategic level, the issue is clear: the Llanos del Orinoco, the Orinoco plains, below the Eastern Cordillera. In this open field, the aztlan mechanized units, along with their air and space assets, would achieve superiority over Amazonian forces, who rely on guerilla tactics. The Amazonian command knows that if the Aztlaners get into the plains, nothing would stop them before they would reach Caracas and the Orinoco delta.

> This is an Amazonian obcession. Still, the Aztlaners never did engage enough forces to make such operation credible. Their only goal was to establish a security buffer around Bogotá and crush the nationalists.
> Echec

> Beside, if the Aztlaners really wanted to break through, they could have attacked in the north, from Bucaramanga or Cúcuta, rather than using Bogotá as a stagging area and logistical platform, with all the security issues that went with it.
> Urbi

> Back in 2049, the Aztlaners had enough forces to launch an attack from Bucaramanga and they didn't move. I guess the high command wanted to avoid any damages to the Auraca oil production facilities.
> Cible

> Most of these facilities have been dismantled by the Amazonians, and the rest is out of use. From what I saw, the Aztlaner high command did enact several no-fire areas for heavy weapons. But those areas do not cover oilfields; most of them are in the Sierra Nevada del Cocuy, inside the U'wa tribe ancestral territory.
> Prof

> So the army of Aztlan abides to the ban on living to enter the U'wa Araucana ancestors' land?
> Doc-doc

To prevent this scenario, the Amazonians have to stop the Aztlaners in the Eastern Cordillera mountains at any cost, and prevent them from gaining a foothold in the plains. Fightings were particularly intense in Yopal, where the Aztlaner forces resisted from almost eighteen hours after being surrounded by the Amazonians. But the first major battle of the war was to take place in Villavicencio.

> My sources on both the Aztlaner and Amazonian sides agree the forces engaged in Yopal fell under the influence of a spirit who forced them into a massacre.
> I.care

Southeast of Bogotá, the old national road 40 is about 100 kilometers long before Villavicencio, whose nickname as the Puerta al Llano would proved to be meaningful. The Amazonian armed forces stockpiled weapons and troops, supported by several dragons. The Aztlan intelligence services had watched this build-up in the previous months. The orders for the airborne units dropped in the night of November 13-14 were to prepare the field for the main assault. But Amazonian guerilla moves delayed the advance and deployment of Aztlan reinforcements for a few days. The battle of Villavicencio finally began on November 16. Fightings would be intense, lasting two full months.

During this period, the Aztlaner media plan was to focus on the attacks against their troops in Bogotá and the pacifying operations carried out in response. Afraid that journalists could enter Villavicencio from the Amazonian side, the Aztlan minister of defense forbade massive shelling and bombing against the city. This decision forced the Aztlaner to engage their forces into urban fights, moving from one street to the other. But while Horizon did actually try to send a NewsNet team in Villavicencio, the Amazonian denied them access.

> Villavicencio became a symbol. Among Amazonian forces, having fought and survived in Villavicencio means you have been there from the very beginning and went through the toughest fights.
> Deena

In the south, the aztlan army was able to seize control of Cali city without fighting in the first days of the war. It was the first time the army would move into this city, officially annexed by Aztlan in 2050, but from which they withdrew after many terrorist attacks in the following years. With their forces concentrated near Bogotá, the Amazonians did not have enough strength to stop their advance. Accords between the Amazonian authorities and the Nasa triba also forbade to move troops inside the latter tribal territory, which is the only way to Cali by southeast.

> While all the reporters were in Bogotá, only one reporter from Televisa, Aztechnology channel, was embedded with the troops in Cali. His shots were used for the documentary film Lo demás es loma Aztechnology released the following year, where you can see how the Aztlaners took the city without a single shot. A subtle eway of pointing at what happened after.
> I.media

While the battle of Villavicencio was still going on, the first Amazonian couter-attack took place on January 18, 2073. Great dragon Sirrurg attacked Cali with several other dragons and awakened creatures, along with members of Greenwar. The operation had been stagged without the Amazonian armed forces command's knowledge, who only learnt about it from DIS agents on short notice.

> However, that would be wrong to believe Greenwar, or Primeira Vaga, obey Sirrurg. They also are in touch with the DIS and Hualpa personal aides. On the other hand, it seems obvious they prefer Sirrurg more offensive strategy.
> Prof

The Aztlaner units, a force equivalent to a 5,000 brigade, resisted for almost three hours. When Aztlaner reinforcements reached the city, Sirrurg and its troops had vanished. In addition to military losses, they found the body of nearly 10,000 people killed in Cali downtown (the exact number won't be known for several weeks) by a spell cast by the great dragon. Afraid of a new attack, the Aztlaners fell back, letting units from Amazonian regular forces, who circled Nasa territory, enter Cali shortly after.

The battle of Cali had a major resounding in the media. The Aztlan government and the Aztechnology-owned medias immediately qualified this action as a warcrime, and from then systematically referred to it to justify their stance and action. While the Amazonian government tried to distance itself from great dragon Sirrurg, the arrival of regular troops to seize Cali so close to the attack blurred their message.

> For several weeks, the rumor spread on the Matrix it was a chemical weapon the Aztlaners used as a last resort, sacrificing downtown inhabitants hoping they'd get Sirrurg.
> Deena

> Mediatically, Cali was the first big event in the war. It made the Amazonians abruptly realize the gap with Aztlan in control of media space, and that they would need help there.
> I.media

> The consequence of the battle of Cali went far behind the Colombian conflict. Hestaby decision to condemn Sirrurg actions at the UN seemingly triggered an all-out conflict between dragons.
> Echec

By seizing Cali, the Amazonians opened a path into the Rio Cauca valley by south. After his show of force, the threat of Sirrurg forced the Aztlaner command to review its plans. They must redeploy troops to cover their right flank. Reinforcements scheduled to pursue the offensive on Villavicencio were ordered to stop their movement and wait for new orders.
In fact, the Amazonians did not have enough troops in Cali to attack. Sirrurg likely still was in the area, but was nowhere to be found. Moreover, chiefs of the Nasa tribe, whose several members were killed by Sirrurg in Cali, kept on blocking Amazonian units from moving through their territory.

> The Nasa have been defending their territory from military incursions for nearly a century. You can recognize their warriors by their ceremonial staff, a one-meter long ornate baton. At checkpoints, they keep the rifles out of view, only taking them in case of trouble. But there are adepts for which the staff is all they need.
> Doc-doc

The sudden stop of the Aztlaner offensive on Villavicencio nevertheless allowed the Amazonians to regain the initiative. They repelled the Aztlaner units out of town by January 24, then along Road 40 to the small town of Quetame. But after the shock caused by the Cali attack, the precautions enforced in Villavicencio were dropped. The town, mostly deserted by its inhabitants, underwent heaby bombardments. The Amazonians were stopped, but hung on. When the Aztlaners tried to recross Quetame, they came under fire from snipers and heavy weapons entrenched up in the hills, hidden by the rainforest and summoned spirits. Despite numerous attempts from both sides in the following weeks, road 40 was from then on cut in two by the frontline.

> Quetame is by far the most dangerous zone in the war. Even the slightiest movement near the bridge is guaranteed to draw heavy fire from both sides. There are several spots where you can see soldiers' bodies who were left where they fell.
> Trouble

The two consecutive setbacks suffered by Aztlan in Cali and Villavicencio prompted opposition forces to take action in Bogotá. On January 27, Greenwar volunteers and members of the Muisca tribe opened fire on a column of armored vehicles on an avenue in Bogotá. The attackers, equipped with heavy weapons, blocked the Aztlaner troops for nearly nine hours. For the entire following day, El Dorado airport was targeted by several mobile mortars batteries. Such actions were likely coordinated by the Amazonian intelligence service to delay the sending of further reinforcements on road 40.

The Aztlaners reacted by deploying troops in Tunjuelito, La Ciudad Bolivar, Los Barrios Unidos and Usaquén districts to cover major roads. In Ciudad Bolivar, they encountered a stiff resistance from Bogotá Libre! combatants. Olaya cartel paramilitary force also performed show of force. In February, Jaime Salazar was able to show publicly in Bogotá streets, surrounded by armed men. So was the cartel showing it was far from being defeated. In spite of Aztlan surveillance, its smuggling operations, especially those along the Rio Magdalena and the Gulf of Aztlan, already allowed them to build back its arsenal.

Fights took place in Bogotá everyday for nearly six months. With a large number of troops deployed around Cali and Quetame, the Aztlan command did not have enough forces to control the city of Bogotá and eliminate the existing pockets of resistance. Attempts to use pro-Aztlan Colombian patriotic militias worsened the situation for civilians, but allowed the Aztlan army and the ACS to stay out of the most dangerous zones

However, Aztlaners received in March reinforcements from mercenaries paid by Aztechnology. The largest group was made of Koreans, Australians and Fijians recruited by Japanese corporation Tsunami. They were initially supported by Chinese and Filipino mercenaries of Combat, Inc. Officially, offensive operations were still strictly carried out by the Aztlan national army, with support from ACS units, while mercenaries patrolled secured areas. In fact, several mercenary units of Tsunami were involved in special operations.

Meanwhile, Ares Macrotechnology also deployed its own forces to enhance security for its staff in Colombia, which were so far mostly technicians and advisors providing support for command, control and communications equipment and drones bought by the Aztlan national army and Aztechnology.

> Ares also sent early on intelligence assets in the area, to get in touch with the cartels and the Amerindian tribes. Some of Ares troops in the area are actually exclusively used to protect those agents and the weapons deliveries they promised to those new friends.
> Cible

> As usual, Ares is playing on multiple fronts to make the war last.
> Karma

> Ares Arms can simply not allow itself to miss the main conflict of the decade. Especially now that the Pentagon has been questionning their quasi-monopoly on UCAS efense contracts.
> I.deal

> People from Combat Inc. are said to have reactivated old contacts to converse with the Amazonians and Greenway. They thus had their own networks of informants and their own arrangements, which significantly contributed to de-escalate the situation.
> Glaive

> Combat, Inc. teams were in Cali as early as January. On the Amazonian side. I wouldn't be surprised to learn there were chemical warfare experts among them.
> Trouble

Even though they couldn't launch an full-fledged offensive in the south from Cali, the Amazonians were still able to send special forces through the Rio Cauca and the Rio Magdalena valleys to operate behind Aztlaner lines.

On December 28, the Nicaragua Canal had already been attacked by a commando (according to several sources, Ukrainian and Turkish mercenaries of the 10,000 Daggers), probably seaborne. Several explosions had damaged sluices and made the canal impassable. A similar attack targeted Pemex oil sites in Maracaibo a few days later. The Aztlaner navy reacted, attacking Georgetown harbor, in the Amazonian state of Guyana, from which the units involved operated.

> The Aztlaner navy had not yet fought at that point, and had been humiliated by the attack on the Nicaragua Canal, whose security is under its responsability. They went on Georgetown for a show of force with everything they could throw at it: meterological magic, night raid by combat swimmers, naval artillery, cruise missiles, marines to finish off, and helicopter lift-off.
> Cible

> The Georgetown raid caused quite a panic. For several days, I wondered if Aztechnology wasn't about to open a second front with Force Esprit units stationned in French Guiana, to directly threaten Manaus.
> Trouble

> Attacking Manaus through jungle? In your dreams...
> Cible

> More realistically, the Force Esprit only retain minor facilities in French Guiana since S-K Aerospace terminated their contract for Kourou space center defense.
> I.care

> This is a touchy issue. Should the Amazonians gather troops near the Guiana border, the French ought to react for political reasons. But they know that now that the Kilimandjaro mass driver is fully operational, S-K and Proteus launchpads no longer are essential assets. And Lofwyr already crossed the French government twice, in the SOX airstrikes affair, then during Dassault takeover of Esprit.
> Echec

> S-K is not going to shut down Kourou. Lofwyr will never agree to fully depend on a pan-corporate program and risk being cut from its orbital facilities during a crisis.
> I.care

> Can we go back to the topic at hand?
> Karma

> We're right in the middle of it. Eighteen months before the war started, the Corporate Court has devided to fund a space elevator project, drawing a "zone of interest" that cover a part of Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador (options have since been narrowed down to Ecuador). Aztechnology commited to stabilize the area, and billions are at stake.
> Deena

Members of Greenwar, likely to be the same who took part to the Battle of Cali along with Sirrurg, also moved into Aztlaner territory and launched attacks against civilian and military targets.

While he was widely though to be nearby Cali, the great dragon reappeared on March 21 with a part of his troops in Managua, in the Aztlaner state of Nicaragua, 1,500 kilometers up north. He targeted the city's factories and infrastructure, whom he partially destroyed, killing again several hundreds civilians. The terrorist nature of Sirrurg strategy was no longer in doubt

> However, while everyone expected those attacks to continue, Sirrurg then disappeared for over a year. His attacks never were purposeless, he only showed himself when he considered it useful.
> I.media

Sirrurg attack on Managua was somehow good news for the Aztlaner Colombian regional command. Sirrurg choice to strike Aztlan close to the heart decreased the risk of an Amazonian offensive launched from Cali that would have outflanked them. The Aztlaner forces could - for a time - concentrate on the east. Reinforcements made it possible to suppress most resistance pockets inside Bogotá by the end of May. The Aztlaner command can thus move most of its troops outside the city, leaving private security units in charge of security. In the north, private security also took over the protection of oilfields.

After the failure of the offensive on Villavicencio in the southeast, the Aztlaners concentrated their effort to break the Amazonian defenses on the northeastern frontline. The operation was launched on June 6, 2073. It was to be carried out by the national army, while Aztechnology forces were progressively relieved by reserve units as they were mobilized. The corporation however kept on providing most of the army logistical support, ad security for its own facilities and personnel.

> The ACS started moving out as soon as opinion poll showed the public viewed corporate units involvement negatively. The reservists who replaced them all are Aztechnology employees on leave of absence.
> Echec

> ACS units still participate from time to time to some publicized operation, to maintain their image as an elite corps. Of course, such operation are scheduled so as to go as smoothly as possible, usually against weakly defended targets.
> I.media

> Don't forget special operations units who are wearing neither Aztlan uniform nor Aztechnology one.
> Trouble

Unlike Villavicencio, the Amazonians had the possibility in the northeastern sector for defense in depth. They were also supported by the local Muisca tribe. Aztlaner units moving out of Bogotá by north must cross Muisca territory. The protection of logistical convoys and advanced outposts was to require a growing number of soldiers. But in spite of high losses, the Aztlaners gained ground. Line units had been ordered to focus only on controlling roads, rivers, villages and towns. Pursuits and destruction of Amazonian units in the forests and mountains are the sole responsability of special forces and air support.

By concentrating their assets, the Aztlaner were victorious in urban battle, in Santiago de Tunja in July, and Duitama in August. They forced most of the Amazonian troops to retreat into the Batá Valley, Sogasomo city and Tota Lake. The Aztlaners avoided fighting in the swamp of Batá Valley, whose south end is closed by the ruins of La Esmeralda dam that the Amazonians destroyed in 2051. One target had been clearly defined: Tota Lake. The dragon Busiraco, who led Amazonian operations in the area, has its lair there. Even though he has not the same aura as Sirrurg, the Aztlaner authorities know his death, capture or fleeing would be symbolic.

From September 2073, intelligence reported the presence in Pueblo territory of Greenwar and Primeira Vaga members known to be close to Sirrurg. The ACS suspected them to plan a large-scale attack in Roswell or Juárez area.

Units from the ACS and Aztlan national army special forces were sent in the north to track down Sirrurg and its agents. The Aztlaner Colombian command was unsuccessful in convincing high command to retain at least some of them. Its special operations capabilities greatly reduced, the operation against Busiraco at Tota Lake had to be postponed.

> The decision to recall special forces operating in Colombia had all to do with rivalry between units. The northern border is the playground of the Apache warriors of the 10th Special Forces Battalion. But obviously, Sirrurg and his lieutnants were the sole province of the ACS Jaguars and the Special Forces Airborne Group.
> Cible

> Apache warriors?
> Deena

> When the Denver Treaty was negotiated, several Apache chiefs wanted the SAIM to establish with Aztlan a great Amerindian nation that would have spread from Alaska to Yucatan, and would have been able to resume war against the white man. They weren't listened to, but some of them finally decided to ask for southern Arizona and New Mexico to join Aztlan.
> Prof

By pausing their offensive, the Aztlaners lost the initiative. The reduced number of special forces operators in the field gave the Amazonian units more freedom of movements. Moreover, DIS intelligence activities, now receiving support from Horizon specialists, were capable of track and anticipate most of Aztlaner units movements at that time. These elements allowed them to break Aztlaner frontline and loosen the grip around Tota Lake. When Aztlaner troops were surrounded in Duitame, they must evacuate in haste. The same scenario almost repeated in Santiago de Tunja, but the Aztlaner leave without fighting, after destroying their forward bases. By the end of 2073, the Aztlaners had lost nearly half the ground conquered since they began their offensive.

This retreat came at that same time as loss just as important in the media. Horizon was continuously broadcasting information about Aztlan military troubles as well as the warcrimes commited by their units as they were losing control of the situation. In addition to journalists who were embedded into the Amazonian forces on the ground, it also sent teams with the local population and covertly inside Aztlan territory.

> Horizon also managed to influence several foreign governments to get UN resolutions voted to condemn Aztlan actions.
> Karma

> Resolutions who had strictly no effect whatsover indeed. When it came to fruition that the UN could effectively do something, it was completely outside of Horizon lobbyists reach to influence a decision elaborated by the Corporate Court and major governments.
> Echec

Meanwhile, the Amazonians kept on sending guerilla units around Bogotá and further north, up to Medellín area. The number and intensity of their attacks was growing. In Pereira, forty-three police officers are killed in the attack of a police station downtown on November 10. The Aztlaner forces tasked with searching and detroying those guerilla units become targets themselves and are less and less able to operate freely.

The Amazonian strategy includes actions far outside the combat zone, which the Aztlaners systematically referred to as terrorist actions. It is difficult to assess the exact role played by actual DIS agents on one hand, coordinated with Amazonian armed forces, and Greenwar, Primeira Vaga and Bogotá Libre terrorist cells on the other hand.

On December 16, the Zacatecas cruiser was hit by several explosions while sailing in the Carribean Sea, possibly one or several anit-ship missiles, of which one may have had hit ammunitions. The very high number of casualties, more than 300 sailors, almost the entire crew, suggest the attackers did went after lifeboats. The government of Aztlan spoke about a terrorist action, without giving any details or the exact number of deaths, only mentionning a small number of survivors. On January 6, 2074, it's a computer attack that put shut down all Aztechnology satellites constellations for several hours. The Aztlan national army operations underway were seriously hampered.

> The Amazonian forces did not took advantage of this attack as much as they could. It suggests this wasn't coordinated with the high command. I also doubt the Zacatecas attack was a military operation, as the Amazonian avoided any naval engagement since the beginning of the war.
> Cible

> The most likely scenario is that the Zacatecas made a fatal encounter with Sirrurg. The Aztlaners then refused to reveal one of the most SOTA units of the fleet could not hold him off for more than a few minutes.
> I.care

The Aztlaners briefly took an advantage in early March, by launching surprise attack. The high command was actually about to reduce the number of troops engaged in Colombia, especially air and specific magical assets. This offensive is one last attempt to stabilize the frontline. It benefitted from a narrow window of opportunity, before the planned removal of several units, and the acquisition of critical intelligence on Amazonian forces' status and position.

> "Specific magical assets" means "blood mages."
> Doc-doc

> The Aztlaners also may have successfully turned an enemy agent, which would have allowed to intoxicate the Amazonians with forged intelligence, and guarantee surprise.
> Trouble

> A part of the Aztlaner high command were opposed to this offensive as they feared it would succed. The very fact they would remove units from the frontline right after instead of pushing further could have brought the attention on the plans to attack Sirrurg.
> Echec

> Actually, officers and politics who weren't aware of those plans did insist for the offensive to carry on. The high command was forced to tamper with casualty reports to convince them it wasn't possible.
> Urbi

As the Aztlaner forces shrinked, the return to an Amazonian advantage was only a matter of time. In May, Aztlan's last foward bases were surrounded one by one and cut from their logistical lines. The Aztlans only retained control of a few secured routes to move in and out of Bogotá. The Amazonians were now in position to attack the city. Quetame Lock fell n May 27, opening the southeastern route to Bogotá.

Inside Bogotá itself, fightings restarted in April, their number increasing up to the point of daily engagements. The Aztlaner command decided tis time not to intervene. Units of the national army scaled down patrols and checkpoints, with order to return fire if attacked, leaving the actual control of entire districts to local militias. Only targeted actions ordered by Aztechnology management and carried out by the ACS kept the situation under control.

Sirrurg appeared anew on April 18. While Hurricane Donald befell Puerto Rico, several dragons led by Sirrurg attacked the Aguadilla industrial complex. With the damages caused by the attack and the hurricane, the facility was nearly fully destroyed, with massive consequences. Aguadilla is the facility where Natural Vat Technologies, a subsidiary of Aztechnology, produce for the whole North America market a number of food additives widely used in food processing.

Aztlan air defense managed to track down Sirrurg after the Aguadilla attack. They finally got a precise idea of his lair location near the Pueblo-Aztlan border. The army and the ACS prepared an operation to hunt the dragon down, but he was faster. On April 25, he attacked Las Cruces. As shown by images taken by bystanders and uploaded on the Matrix, his target appeared to have been a command center established by Aztlaner special forces inside a building in the suburban area. A few days later, two dragons attacked Tucson. El Paso and Roswell were to follow.

Sirrurg suddenly changed his target, attacking Odessa, Texas, on May 14. The city was razed, as would later be Lubbock, Midlands and Seminole. On May 29, he attack the town of El Paso on the Aztlan side. Finally, on July 11, he attacked downtown Albuquerque in the Pueblo, leaving nearly one thousand dead. This attack was the last one before the dragon vanished again.

This string of repeated attacks made a point of elite units from both Aztlan national army and ACS to neutralize Sirrurg. On the Confederate American side, the government decided to strengthen military units in the area and put them on alert. Due to the lack of a recognized border between the two countries, the risk of incident was more than real. Although both governments officially announced they would take all necessary measures to neutralize the ongoing threat, none of them seriously considered it could launch a large-scale operation in the area surrounding the demarcation line. They feared even more that an inconsiderate decision could be taken in midst of action.

> Despite appearances, Sirrurg carefully picks up his target. By attacking Las Cruces, he showed he know as much about the ACS moves as they knew about his owns. The following attacks were just to keep the Aztlans on alert and bring on reaction from the CAS.
> Cible

> Sirrurg actions contributed to further isolate the Amazonians on the international stage. The Pueblo especially were forced to follow their public opinion and distance themselves from Manaus.
> Echec

In Amazonia, the celebration for the 40th anniversary of the ecologist revolution started on August 28, 2074. Sirrurg remained invisible during public events, but the Aztlaner intelligence services were convinced he was in Manaus. They finally obtained a confirmation on October 1st. It was the opportunity the Aztlaners were waiting for to launch operation Marauder.

On October 3, 2074, an Aztlaner special forces group attack Sirrurg assumed lair near Roswell. At least two dragons were killed. About two hours later, Sirrurg was detected near Aztlan west coast, flying northward. In step with what the Aztlaners were expecting, an attack on its base brought him to show up for a counter-attack. Three air groups were ready to engage, with support on the Pacific coast of the Huey Tlatoani air carrier and its battle group (since the Aztlaners could not predict in advance which route Sirrurg would fly, a similar force was ready in the Gulf of Aztlan).

> Looking at the path Sirrurg was following, his target may have Tenochtitlan. I wonder what the Aztlaners did in Roswell that made him so eager to imediately strike at the heart.
> I.care

The air battle started above the ocean, about 40 kilometers west of Acapulco. But after Sirrurg was seriously wounded, he landed near Ceutla, 50 kilometers north of the city. The Aztlaner forces kept him under heavy fire, in spite of high losses. Sirrurg resisted for more than one hour, until several other dragons arrived. Taking advantage of Sirrurg being stuck on the ground, the Aztlan command decided to use chemical weapons in the area. Meanwhile, the naval force, under attack from two of the incoming dragons, was forced to fall back outside the engagement zone.

Sirrurg finally managed to take off with help from several summoned spirits. The fight ceased abruptly after a magical exchange. Sirrurg might have been wounded again at this point, but the weather, altered by magic, prevented the Aztlaners from searching the area. Before the situation calmed down, Sirrurg had disappeared.

News of the battle of Acapulco immediatly spread throughout the Matrix, recorded by many locals and tourists. The images of Sirrurg fall were viewed several millions times within a few hours. Spontaneous demonstration of joy took place in most cities in Aztlan, but also and more especially in Cali, where the Amazonian forces were barely able to contain the crowd.

In Bogotá, members of Greenwar, Primeira Vaga and several regular units of the Amazonian armed forces, conditioned by speech given for the 40th aniversary of the revolution, launched a series of reprisal attacks against the Aztlaner forces and Aztechnology facilities in the afternoon of October 3.

The Aztlaners were first taken off-guad by such bold attacks, and let the Amazonian gain footholds inside Bogotá. During the night, in the first hours of October 4, the Amazonian command decide to push the advantage by advancing several units in town. Doing so, they made a serious mistake, underestimating their enemy responsiveness.

The Aztlaners only retained in the Bogotá area a small number of magicians and combat aircrafts, most of those having been withdrawn to join operation Marauder. Airborne infantry units had been grounded for several weeks, lacking the amored vectored-thrust vehicles and attack helicopters that normally operate along them. The Aztlaner Bogotá command nevertheless decided to make them take off with only two helicopters wings for air cover, and drop them behind the Amazonian lines. That was operation Huntress. The gamble paid: those airborne units move was a success, attacking the Amazonian from the rear.

> Despite what have been said, Huntress was not and could not have been planned in advance. The Aztlaners did have defense plans for Bogotá, first drafted as soon as the war started, but they had to adapt as they could to whatever assets they still had at that point.
> Trouble

Fightings inside Bogotá were intense. The Aztlaners were able to move back the air units engaged against Sirrurgs in the following days. Starting on October 15, they established a no-fly zone, definitively halting air traffic, anyway restricted to only a few private aircrafts since the battle had started. The Aztlan navy is ordered to move close to the Colombian shores to back up units on the ground, firing a large numbers of cruise missiles.

> Aztechnology also invested heavily in the media field. A medical unit and a team of journalists were solely dedicated to broadcast images of a field hospital faced with an endless flow of wounded civilans under fire.
> I.media

> They even had an explosive expert working on the rooftop for sound effects, and a sniper who was shooting bystanders in street nearby when they wanted more victims. Which was unnecessary with what was going on elsewhere in town.
> Urbi

The Amazonians gathered in Cali airport a force of mercenaries recruited by MET2000 and Combat, Inc. On October 18, this force moved east to attack Bogotá. Quickly assembled, it was only comprised of light vehicles, without any heavy armored vehicles, and limited air support. This attack was coordinated with irregular troops inside Bogotá, which launched an all-out offensive. Fightings will last tirelessly for ten days. Many insurgents will gith to the death. Aztlaner units deployed around Bogotá held out, but those inside the city will lose control of every district, one after the other. On October 24, they only defended a small perimeter around Aztechnology Business Complex, turned into fortified camp. At this point, they were only holding because of massive shellings.

> Ask three persons to tell you about the battle of Bogotá, and you will get four different stories. Even at company-level, officers had trouble knowning what was going on one hundred meters from their position.
> Trouble

In the days that followed the battle of Acapulco and the beginning of the second battle of Bogotá, the United Nations' Security Council meet several times. The CAS proposed to send a peacekeeping force, offering to assume command and provide a part. Surprinsingly, the Aztlaners supported the proposal and declared the were open to seeking a political solution. They receive support from a number of other countries, and behind the scenes by most major corporations, allowing them to push the negotiation as they see fit.

Meanwhile, the Aztlaners let a Confederate American Navy battle group led by air carrier Kitty Hawk, along with several troopships of private military company FMC go through the Panama Canal. This sudden acceleration allowed the peacekeeping force to arrive several weeks ahead of what the Amazonians were expecting, probably making them rush their offensive from Cali.

On October 28, FMC mercenaries landed in the Gulf of Turtles, near Cali, where they meet with minimal resistance from Amazonian forces. Amazonian units were ordered to stop fighting and withdraw. Those on the west flank moved back toward Cali and the FMC units. After a tense encounter, the Amazonian officers agreed to disarm their troops, store weapons under guards and assemble in a temporary camp. They were still ignorant that the discussions in their final stage in Geneva at this point were giving Aztlan control of both Cali and Bogotá.

The next day, on October 29, 2074, great dragon Hualpa and president Enrico Silva were in the United Nations headquarters in Geneva to sign peace accords that establish a border between the two countries, and scheduled the peacekeeping force to remain until March 2075 to ease troops removal.

> Although the Aztlaners did win that last battle in the diplomatic field, and did so masterfully, they were far from having won the war. They suffered loss just as heavy as the Amazonians, and completed none of their objectives: Sirrurg is likely still alive, the Amazonian oil is still out of reach, and the region is still unstable.
> Prof

> It's still a major political victory. The people of Aztlan gloat at their national army and corporation success. On the Amazonian side, Hualpa got out weakened, while military leaders and the government blame each other.
> Echec

> The border the treaty establishes would also give the edge should the war restart. It now run along the Eastern Cordillera easternmost ridge, right above the plains. Villavicencio is within range.
> Cible

> Tota Lake now is on the Aztlan side of the border? Any news of Busiraco?
> Trouble

> He was in Bogotá until the end of the fightings. Aztlan sent a detachment to secure his lair in the following days, with the same chemical weapons they used in Acapulco. The latest information have Busiraco alive, in Manaus, and very angry.
> Urbi

> Tota Lake and Sierra Nevada del Cocuy (the U'wa Araucana territory Doc-doc was talking about) now are forbidden zones. Blue helmets and Aztlan troops patrolling in these area already went through difficulties, to say the least.
> I.care

> The blue helmets did complain to Aztlan zone command, which had to admit they had no authority over the area and the units operating there, as those directly answer to Tenochtitlan.
> Cible